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MUST NOTE
Want to know what's happening in Peru? CNN explained in 2 minutes 02:08
(CNN)After years of relative economic prosperity and hope for the future,Peruhas been rocked by months of social unrest and political instability that seem to go on forever.
thousands ofdemonstratorscontinue to take to the streets in Lima and the south of the country, especially in Puno, where citizens are outraged by decades of exclusion, inequality, allegations of corruption and stagnant living standards.
The latest wave of protests in Peru has killed at least 66 people in a brutal series of deaths that highlights the country's deep divisions, which date back to colonial times.
People surround the coffins of people who died in riots in Juliaca, Peru.
While there have been nationwide protests, the vast majority of deaths among protesters have been in southern Peru, where indigenous Aymara and Quechua people maintain their own languages and cultural traditions and feel separate from people in urban areas along the Peruvian coast. , especially the capital Lima.
And while the security forces' crackdown on the protest movement has reopened centuries-old wounds in the country's multicultural society, the government's response to the ongoing protests has only made the pain among the rural population worse.
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On Wednesday, Education Minister Oscar Becerra criticized Aymara women for bringing their children to a protest in Lima where police used tear gas on them.
Protesters and riot police clash in Lima on January 24.
“Not even animals would abandon their children (like that). ...Can they be called mothers if they subject their children to this violence?" said Becerra, who further suggested that the women may have "rented" the children for "political gain".
Becerra later apologized. "I want to tell you that if anything I said was misunderstood, my sincere apologies," he said.
In a letter released on Tuesday, the country's ombudsman said Becerra's comments were aimed at "intensifying the confrontation between Peruvians."
Center and periphery of Peru
Ever since Peru was a Spanish colony, Lima has been the center of the country's wealth and political power. In contrast, much of the mountainous regions of the center and south and the vast Amazon remain isolated and underdeveloped.
The lack of health, education and transportation infrastructure has led many residents of these areas to migrate to Lima in recent decades, where they often struggle to be accepted. Those who remain in the more rural areas of Peru are increasingly frustrated with the lack of development, even during the country's periods of strong economic growth.
An injured protester arrives at a hospital emergency room in Juliaca in January.
The region south of Puno is a microcosm of the problems facing rural Peru.
More than 70% of children under the age of three suffer from anaemia, a condition associated with poor nutrition, and around a quarter of the population does not have access to running water at home.
The region was one of the most overlooked in Peru, with Lima's politicians figuring that a small population and lack of political organization meant they didn't have to worry about meeting its needs, according to Omar Coronel, professor of sociology at the Pontifical University Catholic of Peru.
The December overthrow of President Pedro Castillo, who was accused of corruption and later indicted by lawmakers and later jailed after an attempted coup, dashed hopes in Puno that things were finally looking up under a president who positioned himself as a champion could. change for the better for the most marginalized in Peru.
Access to healthcare has been a sore point in rural Peru - the country has suffered the world's worst per capita death toll from Covid-19 - and its impact has been felt acutely in the wake of protests in the Puno region.
Julia Paccsi, 42, a mother of three, said she was wounded by a bullet in the neck fired by security forces when she wounded protesters outside her home in Juliaca, the region's largest city, in January Puno wanted to help 7 .
Peruvian President Dina Boluarte speaks during a press conference on February 10.
Afraid of being mistaken for a protester and arrested, Paccsi didn't immediately go to the hospital, but when she finally did leave a few days later, she was told there were no doctors in town who could treat her.
"They didn't treat me at the hospital because they told me there were no head and neck specialists," she said through tears. "We don't have any head and neck specialists here."
Paccsi had no choice but to travel to Lima for the surgery and is still awaiting a second procedure.
The father of another victim, a 17-year-old girl who was shot dead near the Juliaca airport protests on January 9, believes his daughter could have survived had there been better medical care in the area.
"There are no ambulances, there are no good doctors who can help the injured," said Demetrio Aroquipa.
Demonstrators in Puno on January 19.
"That day we went to the market with my daughter, my other daughter and my wife," he said. “We went four, but only three came back and a coffin. She was a psychology student, a responsible girl. My daughter died when she was hit by a bullet. I want justice.”
In February, the human rights group Amnesty International released a report that portrayed the Peruvian state's violent response to "systemic racism that has been entrenched in Peruvian society and its authorities for decades," according to the organization's regional director, Erika Guevara-Rosas. .
"Dozens of people told Amnesty International that they felt the authorities were treating them like animals and not people," added Guevara-Rosas.
According to a statement released by the Ministries of Justice and Human Rights, the Peruvian government denied "systemic racism" and reiterated its support for the ongoing investigation into the deaths and injuries suffered during the protests.
Rub salt in old wounds
One of the protesters' claims is the resignation of President Dina Boluarte, who has been in office for just three months.
She angered many in Puno in January when she blamed unsuccessful talks with regional officials for the failure of attempts to quell the protests.
“We must protect the lives and tranquility of 33 million Peruvians. Puno is not Peru," she added.
Boluarte was forced to apologize a day later, and a statement from her office said her words had been misinterpreted.
But for many it was too late.
“They say we are not from Peru, but Puno is Peru,” Aroquipa told reporters in Lima – a common response among demonstrators in the region.
Protesters in Lima take cover behind makeshift shields on February 4.
"We have the same blood, but unfortunately you always marginalize us," said Armando Halire, a lawyer who represents the families of protesters killed and injured in Puno, speaking to journalists in Lima in February.
He went on to list several terms still used in Peru to discriminate against people from rural Andean regions for their supposed ignorance or to differentiate them from those of mixed Hispanic descent - including "cholo", which is commonly used to refer to people from the Andes to denigrate Andean or Andean origin.
Arguing that Puno is not part of Peru is painful for people in the country's most marginalized region, after years of struggling to access basic public services, Coronel told CNN.
Amnesty accused the Peruvian authorities of "pronounced racial bias" in the crackdown on the protests
“Symbolically, it hurts citizens who feel they are Aymara and Quechua, but also feel part of Peru,” said Coronel, referring to these ethnic groups.
And as protesters demonstrate against the government's treatment, the language issue has become the epitome of the divide between Lima and Peru's marginalized regions.
“We have a country where many prosecutors, prosecutors, state institutions do not have people who speak Aymara, who speak Quechua, who speak the other almost 50 ancestral languages that we have in the country, which makes people feel alienated from the state,” said Coronel Both Aymara and Quechua are official state languages in Peru, along with Spanish.
Successive Peruvian governments have been unwilling or unable to make the state more inclusive of marginalized groups in the country. And they were particularly uninterested in Puno, according to the colonel.
Peru's feisty president could have defused the crisis. What happened?
“What's unique about Puno is this very historic exclusion that the executive and other actors didn't want to be involved in,” he said.
A recent attempt to bring non-Spanish languages, such as those spoken in Puno, into the center of government has ended in controversy. In August 2021, then-Prime Minister Guido Bellido started to address the Peruvian Congress in Quechua, but opposition members started shouting at him to speak Spanish because they couldn't understand him.
Bellido's response summed up the sentiment of many in southern Peru at the time: if the country is truly multicultural, why isn't there an interpreter available to help those who don't speak any of Peru's official languages?
Protesters from Puno continue to crowd the streets of the capital, and Coronel fears that Boluarte's "authoritarian" response has reduced the chances of dialogue: "In Puno you see signs that say: 'Limeño (those born in Lima), would you negotiate with the person who killed your mother? with the person who killed your children?